Monday, April 28, 2008

Sen. James H. Hammond,
re: The Mudsill Theory

Speech to the U.S. Senate,
March 4, 1858:

In all social systems there must be a class to do the menial duties, to perform the drudgery of life. That is, a class requiring but a low order of intellect and but little skill. Its requisites are vigor, docility, fidelity. Such a class you must have, or you would not have that other class which leads progress, civilization, and refinement. It constitutes the very mud-sill of society and of political government; and you might as well attempt to build a house in the air, as to build either the one or the other, except on this mud-sill. Fortunately for the South, she found a race adapted to that purpose to her hand. A race inferior to her own, but eminently qualified in temper, in vigor, in docility, in capacity to stand the climate, to answer all her purposes. We use them for our purpose, and call them slaves. We found them slaves by the common "consent of mankind," which, according to Cicero, "lex naturae est." The highest proof of what is Nature's law. We are old-fashioned at the South yet; slave is a word discarded now by "ears polite;" I will not characterize that class at the North by that term; but you have it; it is there; it is everywhere; it is eternal.
The Senator from New York said yesterday that the whole world had abolished slavery. Aye, the name, but not the thing; all the powers of the earth cannot abolish that. God only can do it when he repeals the fiat, "the poor ye always have with you;" for the man who lives by daily labor, and scarcely lives at that, and who has to put out his labor in the market, and take the best he can get for it; in short, your whole hireling class of manual laborers and "operatives," as you call them, are essentially slaves. The difference between us is, that our slaves are hired for life and well compensated; there is no starvation, no begging, no want of employment among our people, and not too much employment either. Yours are hired by the day, not cared for, and scantily compensated, which may be proved in the most painful manner, at any hour in any street in any of your large towns. Why, you meet more beggars in one day, in any single street of the city of New York, than you would meet in a lifetime in the whole South. We do not think that whites should be slaves either by law or necessity. Our slaves are black, of another and inferior race. The status in which we have placed them is an elevation. They are elevated from the condition in which God first created them, by being made our slaves. None of that race on the whole face of the globe can be compared with the slaves of the South. They are happy, content, unaspiring, and utterly incapable, from intellectual weakness, ever to give us any trouble by their aspirations. Yours are white, of your own race; you are brothers of one blood. They are your equals in natural endowment of intellect, and they feel galled by their degradation. Our slaves do not vote. We give them no political power. Yours do vote, and, being the majority, they are the depositories of all your political power. If they knew the tremendous secret, that the ballot-box is stronger than "an army with banners," and could combine, where would you be? Your society would be reconstructed, your government overthrown, your property divided, not as they have mistakenly attempted to initiate such proceedings by meeting in parks, with arms in their hands, but by the quiet process of the ballot-box. You have been making war upon us to our very hearthstones. How would you like for us to send lecturers and agitators North, to teach these people this, to aid in combining, and to lead them?

Sgt. Olney Andus, Union Army, 1864:

"They are fighting for different motives from us. We are fighting for the Union . . . a high and noble sentiment, but after all a sentiment. They are fighting for independence and are animated by passion and hatred against invaders. . . . It makes no difference whether the cause is just or not. You can get up an amount of enthusiasm that nothing else will excite."

Thursday, April 24, 2008

Gen. James Longstreet, re: the Wilderness

Some years after the affair on the Plank road, General Hancock said to me,
"You rolled me up like a wet blanket, and it was some hours before I could reorganize for battle."

(from From Manassas to Appomattox, by Lt. Gen. James Longstreet, CSA)

Wednesday, April 23, 2008

Gen. John B. Gordon (1832-1904)

John Brown Gordon was one of Robert E. Lee's most trusted generals during the Civil War.
Although lacking any military education or experience, Gordon was elected captain of a company of mountaineers and quickly climbed from captain to brigadier general (November 1, 1862) to major general (May 14, 1864). Gordon was an aggressive general who, when in command or leading a charge, was never defeated or repulsed. In 1864, Gordon was described by General Robert E. Lee in a letter to Confederate President Jefferson Davis as being one of his best brigadiers, "characterized by splendid audacity."
Gordon was a brigadier general and brigade commander in D.H. Hill's division in the Peninsula Campaign of 1862. During the subsequent Seven Days battles, as Gordon strode fearlessly among his men, enemy bullets shattered the handle of his pistol, pierced his canteen, and tore away part of the front of his coat. He was wounded in the eyes during the assault on Malvern Hill.
Assigned by General Lee to hold the vital sunken road, or "Bloody Lane", during the Battle of Antietam, Gordon's propensity for being wounded reached new heights. First, a Minié ball passed through his calf. Then, a second ball hit him higher in the same leg. A third ball went through his left arm. He continued to lead his men despite the fact that the muscles and tendons in his arm were mangled, and a small artery severed. A fourth ball hit him in his shoulder. Despite pleas that he go to the rear, he continued to lead his men. Gordon was finally stopped by a ball that hit him in the face, passing through his left cheek and exiting his jaw. He fell with his face in his cap and might have drowned in his own blood if it hadn't drained out through a bullet hole in the cap.
After months of recuperation, in June 1863 Gordon led a brigade of Georgians in Jubal Early's division during the Confederate invasion of Pennsylvania. At Gettysburg, on July 1, Gordon's brigade smashed into the Union XI Corps on Barlow's Knoll.
In the Overland Campaign, Gordon commanded a division in Lt. Gen. Richard S. Ewell's (later Early's) corps. He proposed a flanking attack against the Union right in the Battle of the Wilderness that might have had a decisive effect on the battle, had Early allowed him freedom to launch it before late in the day. Gordon's success in turning back the massive Union assault in the Battle of Spotsylvania Courthouse (the Bloody Angle) prevented a Confederate rout.
He left with Early for the Valley campaigns of 1864 and was wounded August 25, 1864, at Shepherdstown, West Virginia. Confederate engineer Jedediah Hotchkiss's official report of the incident stated, "Quite a lively skirmish ensued, in which Gordon was wounded in the head, but he gallantly dashed on, the blood streaming over him." His wife Fanny, accompanying her husband on the campaign as general's wives sometimes did, rushed out into the street at the Third Battle of Winchester to urge Gordon's retreating troops to go back and face the enemy. Gordon was horrified to find her in the street with shells and balls flying about her.
Returning to Lee's army after Early's defeat at the Battle of Cedar Creek, Gordon led the Second Corps of the Army of Northern Virginia until the end of the war. In this role, he defended the line in the Siege of Petersburg and commanded the attack on Fort Stedman on March 25, 1865 (where he was wounded again, in the leg). At Appomattox, he led his men in the last charge of the Army of Northern Virginia, capturing the entrenchments and several pieces of artillery in his front just before the surrender. On April 12, 1865, Gordon's troops officially surrendered to Bvt. Maj. Gen. Joshua L. Chamberlain, acting for Lt. Gen. Ulysses S. Grant.

(info from Wikipedia)

Tuesday, April 15, 2008

Stonewall Jackson's last words:

“Let us cross over the river, and rest under the shade of the trees.”

Horace Greeley, re: Chancellorsville

"My God! It is horrible--horrible; and to think of it, 130,000 magnificent soldiers cut to pieces by less than 60,000 half-starved ragamuffins."

Arms & the Men

In the midst of one of his most brilliant maneuvers, Confederate General Thomas "Stonewall" Jackson was mistakenly shot by his own men on the night of May 2, 1863 during the the Battle of Chancellorsville. Dr. Hunter H. McGuire performed surgery on Jackson in a field hospital near Chancellorsville, where he amputated Jackson's twice wounded left arm and removed a ball from the General's right hand. Major General Robert E. Lee decided that Jackson should recuperate in a safe place well behind friendly lines. He selected the Chandler plantation in the rural community of Guinea Station, Virginia, as the best location for Jackson, because of its proximity to the railroad to Richmond and its familiarity to the wounded general.
Jackson's chaplain, B. Tucker Lacy, had a brother who owned a house near the hospital, and took Jackson's severed limb to his brother's family cemetery for burial. Lacy comforted the pious Jackson, holding devotions with him for the first two days spent at Guinea Station, but the chaplain soon returned to army headquarters. He requested that General Lee send another doctor to relieve the weary McGuire, who tried to provide round-the-clock care. In their conversation about Jackson's condition, Lee told Lacy, "He has lost his left arm, but I have lost my right arm."

(info from the National Park Service, Fredericksburg and Spotsylvania National Military Park)

Monday, April 14, 2008

re: Traveller


from Stratford Hall Plantation, Robert E. Lee Memorial Association, Inc.:

Traveller was used by General Robert E. Lee thoughout most of the Civil War. The iron gray horse was born in 1857 in Greenbrier County, which is now in West Virginia. He was first called Jeff Davis by Andrew Johnston, who raised him. He was renamed Greenbrier by his next owner, Captain Joseph M. Broun. Lee bought the horse from Capt. Broun for $200 during his late 1861 stay in South Carolina. Lee renamed his new mount Traveller. Traveller, who weighed about eleven hundred pounds and stood nearly sixteen hands high, served his master well. He outlived General Lee, and upon his death he was buried next to the Lee Chapel. In 1907 his remains were disinterred and displayed at the Chapel for a period of time before reburied on the front campus outside the Lee Chapel.
The best description of Traveller was Lee's own, which he wrote in response to Mrs. Lee's cousin Markie Williams, who wished to paint a portrait of Traveller:

    "If I was an artist like you, I would draw a true picture of Traveller; representing his fine proportions, muscular figure, deep chest, short back, strong haunches, flat legs, small head, broad forehead, delicate ears, quick eye, small feet, and black mane and tail. Such a picture would inspire a poet, whose genius could then depict his worth, and describe his endurance of toil, hunger, thirst, heat and cold; and the dangers and suffering through which he has passed. He could dilate upon his sagacity and affection, and his invarible response to every wish of his rider. He might even imagine his thoughts through the long night-marches and days of the battle through which he has passed. But I am no artist Markie, and can therefore only say he is a Confederate grey."

Chancellorsville: Robert E. Lee, astride Traveller

Chancellorsville, May 1863, according to a staff officer:

    "The fierce soldiers with their faces blackened with the smoke of battle, the wounded crawling with feeble limbs from the fury of the devouring flames, all seemed possessed with a common impulse. One long, unbroken cheer, in which the feeble cry of those who lay helpless on the earth blended with the strong voices of those who still fought, rose high above the roar of battle, and hailed the presence of the victorious chief. He sat in the full realization of all that soldiers dream of—triumph; and as I looked upon him in the complete fruition of the success which his genius, courage, and confidence in his army had won, I thought that it must have been from such a scene that men in ancient days rose to the dignity of gods.”

Sunday, April 13, 2008

Union marching song:

The Union boys are moving on the left and the right,
The bugle call is sounding, our shelters we must strike,
Joe Hooker is our leader, he takes his whisky strong,
So our knapsacks we will sling, and go marching along.

chorus:
Joe Hooker is our leader, he takes his whisky strong,
So our knapsacks we will sling, and go marching along.
Marching along, marching along,
With eight days' rations we'll go marching along.

The soft-tack days are over, our beef is on the foot,
The pork, hard-tack, and coffee we've in our knapsacks put;
The extra clothes are heavy, but on our shoulders strong,
We'll sling our eight days' rations, and go marching along.

chorus:
The extra clothes are heavy, but on our shoulders strong,
We'll sling our eight days' rations, and go marching along.

Our overcoats and dresscoats are strewn along the road.
They crowded them upon us — we couldn't tote the load,
Contractors put the job up, and we must foot the bill ;
But, Sam, our dear old uncle, we know it's not your will.

chorus:
Contractors put the job up, and we must foot the bill ;
But, Sam, our dear old uncle, we know it's not your will.

The graybacks are on us, increasing each day,
Heavy are our rations, but small is our pay;
Our spirits are light, but our cause it is strong,
With eight days' rations we go marching along.

chorus:
Our spirits are light, but our cause it is strong,
With eight days' rations we go marching along.

The Virginia hills are high, and the mud roads are long,
But we'll liven the way with a bit of home-made song ;
Then join the chorus, comrades, with voices full and strong,
While with our eight days' rations we go marching along.

chorus:
Then join the chorus, comrades, with voices full and strong,
While with our eight days' rations we go marching along.

The Johnnies are before us, their bullets buzz like bees,
They're down among the brushwood, and hid behind the trees ;
Now, keep cool, boys— there ! steady ! just give it to them strong !
And when the fight is over we'll go marching along.

chorus:
Now, keep cool, boys— there! steady! just give it to them strong!
And when the fight is over we'll go marching along.

The war won't last forever, some day we will be done
With drill, and march, and battle, and cartridge-box and gun,
We'll tramp up North from Richmond to drum and fife; and then,
Oh, won't our folks be tickled to see us home again !

chorus:
We'll tramp up North from Richmond to drum and fife; and then,
Oh, won't our folks be tickled to see us home again !

Wednesday, April 9, 2008

Robert E. Lee, 25 December 1862

“I will commence this holy day dearest Mary by writing to you. My heart is filled with gratitude to Almighty God for His unspeakable mercies with which He has blessed us in this day, for those He has granted us from the beginning of life, and particularly for those He has vouchsafed us during the past year. What should have become of us without His crowning help and protection? Oh, if our people would only recognize it and cease from vain self-boasting and adulation, how strong would be my belief in final success and happiness to our country! For in Him alone I know is our trust and safety. Cut off from you and my children, my greatest pleasure is to write to you and them. Yet I have no time to indulge in it. You must tell them so, and say I constantly think of them and love them fervently with all my heart. But what a cruel thing is war; to separate and destroy families and friends, and mar the purest joys and happiness God has granted us in this world; to fill our hearts with hatred instead of love for our neighbours, and to devastate the fair face of this beautiful world! I pray that, on this day when only peace and good-will are preached to mankind, better thoughts may fill the hearts of our enemies and turn them to peace. Our army was never in such good health and condition since I have been attached to it. I believe they share with me my disappointment that the enemy did not renew the combat on the 13th. I was holding back all day and husbanding our strength and ammunition for the great struggle, for which I thought I was preparing. Had I divined that was to have been his only effort, he would have had more of it. But I am content. We might have gained more but we would have lost more, and perhaps our relative condition would not have been improved. My heart bleeds at the death of every one of our gallant men. Give much love to every one. Kiss Chass and Agnes for me, and believe me with true affection Yours R. E. Lee"

The Balloon Corps


from the U.S. Centennial Of Flight Commission:

Both the Union and Confederate armies used balloons for reconnaissance during the American Civil War, marking the first time that balloons were used in the United States for reconnaissance. The professional aeronaut John Wise was the first to receive orders to build a balloon for the Union army. However, the balloon never was used because it escaped its tethers and was shot down to prevent it from falling into Confederate hands.
Thaddeus Lowe and John LaMountain both carried out reconnaissance activities for the Union army during the war. Lowe had foreseen the usefulness of balloon observations when he had accidentally landed in South Carolina on a flight from Cincinnati, Ohio, to the Atlantic Ocean in April 1861. One of his financial supporters, Murat Halstead, editor of the Cincinnati Daily Commercial, wrote to U.S. Treasury Secretary Salmon P. Chase and suggested that the United States establish a balloon corps under Lowe's command. This corps would provide aerial reconnaissance for the Union armies....
The Confederate Army also formed a smaller version of the balloon corps. In the spring of 1862, Captain John Randolph Bryan offered to oversee the building and deployment of an observation balloon. This balloon consisted of a cotton envelope coated with varnish. Unlike the hydrogen-filled Union balloons, it was a Montgolfiére—filled with hot air—because the Confederacy did not have the equipment for generating hydrogen in the field.

Tuesday, April 8, 2008

Maj. Gen. Ulysses S. Grant, May 1864:

"I am heartily tired of hearing what Lee is going to do. Some of you always seem to think he is suddenly going to turn a double somersault, and land on our rear and on both our flanks at the same time. Go back to your command, and try to think what we are going to do ourselves, instead of what Lee is going to do."

Gen. Joseph Hooker, post-Fredericksburg:

"May God have mercy on General Lee, for I will have none."

Maj. Gen. Robert E. Lee,
re: Fredericksburg (2)

HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF NORTHERN VIRGINIA,
Near Fredericksburg, Va,, December 16, 1862.

Hon. JAMES A. SEDDON,
Secretary of War, Richmond, Va.

SIR: I have the honor to report that the army of General Burnside re crossed the Rappahannock last night, leaving a number of his dead and some of his wounded on this side. Our skirmishers again occupy Fredericksburg and the south bank of the river. Large camps and wagon trains are visible on the hills of Stafford, and his heavy guns occupy their former position on that bank. There is nothing to indicate his future purpose. I have sent one brigade of cavalry down the Rappahannock, and have put Jackson's corps in motion in the same direction. I think it probable an attempt will be made to cross at Port Royal. Another brigade of cavalry has been sent up the Rappahannock, with orders, if opportunity offers, to cross and penetrate the enemy's rear and endeavor to ascertain his intention. I learn from prisoners that the three grand divisions of General Burnside's army, viz, Hooker's, [E. V.] Sumner's, and [W. B.] Franklin's, crossed this side, and were engaged in the battle of the 13th. They also state that the corps of Generals [S. P.] Heintzelman and Sigel reached Fredericksburg Sunday evening. Should the enemy cross at Port Royal in force before I can get this army in position to meet him, I think it more advantageous to retire to the Annas and give battle than on the banks of the Rappahannock. My design was to have done so in the first instance. My purpose was changed not from any advantage in this position, but from an unwillingness to open more of our country to depredation than possible, and also with a view of collecting such forage and provisions as could be obtained in the Rappahannock Valley. With the numerous army opposed to me, and the bridges and transportation at its command, the crossing of the Rappahannock, where it is as narrow and winding as in the vicinity of Fredericksburg, can be made at almost any point without molestation. It will, therefore, be more advantageous to us to draw him farther away from his base of operations.
The loss of the enemy in the battle of the 13th seems to have been heavy, though I have no means of computing it accurately. An intelligent prisoner says he heard it stated in the army to have amounted to 19,000, though a citizen of Fredericksburg who remained in the city computes it at 10,000. I think the latter number nearer the truth than the former.
I hope there will be no relaxation in making every preparation for the contest which will have to be renewed, but at what point I cannot now state.
I have learned that on the side of the enemy Generals Bayard and Jackson were killed, and Generals Hooker and [John] Gibbon wounded; the former said to be severely so.

I am, most respectfully, your obedient servant,
R. E. LEE,
General.

Maj. Gen. Robert E. Lee,
re: Fredericksburg (1)

Report of General Robert E. Lee, C.S. Army,
Commanding Army of Northern Virginia,
Battle of Fredericksburg

HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF NORTHERN VIRGINIA,
December 14, 1862.

Hon. SECRETARY OF WAR,
Richmond, Va.

SIR: On the night of the 10th instant, the enemy commenced to throw three bridges over the Rappahannock, two at Fredericksburg and the third about 1 1/4 miles below, near the mouth of Deep Run. The plain on which Fredericksburg stands is so completely commanded by the hills of Stafford (in possession of the enemy) that no effectual opposition could be offered to the construction of the bridges or the passage of the river without exposing our troops to the destructive fire of his numerous batteries. Positions were, therefore, selected to oppose his advance after crossing. The narrowness of the Rappahannock, its winding course, and deep bed afforded opportunity for the construction of bridges at points beyond the reach of our artillery, and the banks had to be watched by skirmishers. The latter, sheltering themselves behind the houses, drove back the working parties of the enemy at the bridges opposite the city, but at the lowest point of crossing, where no shelter could be had, our sharpshooters were themselves driven off, and the completion of that bridge was effected about noon on the 11th.
In the afternoon of that day, the enemy's batteries opened upon the city, and by dark had so demolished the houses on the river bank as to deprive our skirmishers of shelter, and under cover of his guns he effected a lodgment in the town. The troops which had so gallantly held their position in the city under the severe cannonade during the day, resisting the advance of the enemy at every step, were withdrawn during the night, as were also those who, with equal tenacity, had maintained their post at the lowest bridge. Under cover of darkness and of a dense fog on the 12th, a large force passed the river and took position on the right bank, protected by their heavy guns on the left.
The morning of the 13th, his arrangements for attack being completed, about 9 o'clock (the movement veiled by a fog) he advanced boldly in large force against our right wing. General Jackson's corps occupied the right of our line, which rested on the railroad; General Longstreet's the left, extending along the heights to the Rappahannock above Fredericksburg. General Stuart, with two brigades of cavalry, was posted in the extensive plain on our extreme right. As soon as the advance of the enemy was discovered through the fog, General Stuart, with his accustomed promptness, moved up a section of his horse artillery, which opened with effect upon his flank and drew upon the gallant Pelham a heavy fire, which he sustained unflinchingly for about two hours.
In the mean time the enemy was fiercely encountered by General A. P. Hill's division, forming General Jackson's right, and, after an obstinate combat, repulsed. During this attack, which was protracted and hotly contested, two of General Hill's brigades were driven back upon our second line. General Early, with part of his division, being ordered to his support, drove the enemy back from the point of woods he had seized, and pursued him into the plain until arrested by his artillery. The right of the enemy's column, extending beyond Hill's front, encountered the right of General Hood, of Longstreet's corps. The enemy took possession of a small copse in front of Hood, but were quickly dispossessed and repulsed with loss.
During the attack on our right, the enemy was crossing troops over his bridges at Fredericksburg and massing them in front of Longstreet's line. Soon after his repulse on our right, he commenced a series of attacks on our left with a view of obtaining possession of the heights immediately overlooking the town. These repeated attacks were repulsed in gallant style by the Washington Artillery, under Colonel [J. B.] Walton, and a portion of McLaws' division, which occupied these heights. The last assault was made after dark, when Colonel [E. P.] Alexander's battalion had relieved the Washington Artillery (whose ammunition had been exhausted), and ended the contest for the day.
The enemy was supported in his attacks by the fire of strong batteries of artillery on the right bank of the river, as well as by his numerous heavy batteries on the Stafford Heights.
Our loss during the operations since the movements of the enemy began amounts to about 1,800 killed and wounded. Among the former I regret to report the death of the patriotic soldier and statesman, Brig. Gen. Thomas R. R. Cobb, who fell upon our left, and among the latter that brave soldier and accomplished gentleman, Brig. Gen. Maxcy Gregg, who was very seriously, and it is feared mortally, wounded during the attack on our right.
The enemy today has been apparently engaged in caring for his wounded and burying his dead. His troops are visible in their first position in line of battle, but, with the exception of some desultory cannonading and firing between skirmishers, he has not attempted to renew the attack. About 550 prisoners were taken during the engagement, but the full extent of his loss is unknown.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
R. E. LEE,
General.

Maj. Gen. Ambrose E. Burnside,
re: Fredericksburg

Report of Maj. Gen. Ambrose E. Burnside,
U. S. Army, commanding Army of the Potomac,
Battle of Fredericksburg

HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE POTOMAC,
December 17, 1862.

Maj. Gen. H. W. HALLECK,
General-in-Chief , Washington, D. C

I have the honor to offer the following reasons for moving the Army of the Potomac across the Rappahannock sooner than was anticipated by the President, Secretary, or yourself, and for crossing at a point different from the one indicated to you at our last meeting at the President's:
During my preparations for crossing at the place I had at first selected, I discovered that the enemy had thrown a large portion of his force down the river and elsewhere, thus weakening his defenses in front; and also thought I discovered that he did not anticipate the crossing of our whole force at Fredericksburg; and I hoped, by rapidly throwing the whole command over at that place, to separate, by a vigorous attack, the forces of the enemy on the river below from the forces behind and on the crests in tile rear of the town, in which case we should fight him with great advantages in our favor. To do this we had to gain a height on the extreme right of the crest, which height commanded a new road, lately built by the enemy for purposes of more rapid communication along his lines; which point gained, his positions along the crest would have been scarcely tenable, and he could have been driven from them easily by an attack on his front, in connection with a movement in rear of the crest.
How near we came to accomplishing our object future reports will show. But for the fog and unexpected and unavoidable delay in building the bridges, which gave the enemy twenty-four hours more to concentrate his forces in his strong positions, we would almost certainly have succeeded; in which case the battle would have been, in my opinion, far more decisive than if we had crossed at the places first selected. As it was, we came very near success. Failing in accomplishing the main object, we remained in order of battle two days--long enough to decide that the enemy would not come out of his strongholds and fight us with his infantry. After which we recrossed to this side of the river unmolested, and without the loss of men or property.
As the day broke, our long lines of troops were seen marching to their different positions as if going on parade; not the least demoralization or disorganization existed.
To the brave officers and soldiers who accomplished the feat of this recrossing in the face of the enemy I owe everything. For the failure in the attack I am responsible, as the extreme gallantry, courage, and endurance shown by them was never excelled, and would have carried the points, had it been possible.
To the families and friends of the dead I can only offer my heartfelt sympathy, but for the wounded I can offer my earnest prayers for their comfort and final recovery.
The fact that I decided to move from Warrenton onto this line rather against the opinion of the President, Secretary, and yourself, and that you have left the whole management in my hands, without giving me orders, makes me the more responsible.
I will visit you very soon and give you more definite information, and finally will send you my detailed report, in which a special acknowledgment will be made of the services of the different grand divisions, corps, and my general and personal staff departments of the Army of the Potomac, to whom I am much indebted for their hearty support and co-operation.
I will add here that the movement was made earlier than you expected, and after the President, Secretary, and yourself requested me not to be in haste, for the reason that we were supplied much sooner by the different staff departments than was anticipated when I last saw you.
Our killed amounted to 1,152; our wounded, about 9,000; our prisoners, about 700, which have been paroled and exchanged for about the same number taken by us. The wounded were all removed to this side of the river before the evacuation, and are being well cared for, and the dead were all buried under a flag of truce. The surgeon reports a much larger proportion than usual of slight wounds, 1,630 only being treated in hospitals. I am glad to represent the army at the present time in good condition.

Thanking the Government for that entire support and confidence which I have always received from them,

I remain, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
A. E. BURNSIDE,
Major-General, Commanding Army of the Potomac.